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Chapter 3

A Bugler's Human Like the Rest
Echo of the Bugle Call
Book: 
The Echo of the Bugle Call: Charlotte's Role in World War I
Number of Pages: 
14
Page Range: 
27-40

 

The Bugler

When the morning's gray and the fog is thick

The bugler turns his nasty trick.

First call, he blows on his piece of junk,

As you tumble drowsily out of your bunk.

You call him names and wish he were

Somewhere in Hades and burning there.

A man's a hypocrite indeed

Who says a bugler's a friend in need.

But when it's getting near the time for chow

You think of this bugler, don't you now?

He ain't such a bad skate, after all

When he's sounding off that good chow call

You feel almost sorry for the way

You abused the lad that very day.

So quit your calling him a pest:

A bugler's human like the rest.

- CORPORAL J. W. NEWKIRK Co. M, 39th Inf., Camp Greene

 

AS EARLY AS AUGUST 3, 1917, definite arrangements were being made to send troops to Camp Greene. It was expected that all the New England National Guard troops would be assigned to Camp Greene, but many of them were shipped abroad. It became evident that the camp would serve a two-fold purpose -- a convalescent center with the huge base hospital and a regular training camp. The first soldiers to arrive were a company of bakers ready to prepare bread and food to feed the oncoming troops. An announcement was issued on September 2, 1917 that from 19,000 to 26,000 troops would arrive within a week from the northwestern states. Two wooden water towers seventy-five feet high, each holding 200,000 gallons, were hastily constructed.

On September 6, 1917, Company L, formerly stationed at Camp Sevier near Greenville, South Carolina, moved to Camp Greene in accordance with orders from the War Department. The soldiers arrived around 1:30 p.m. after an uneventful ride in three cars attached to a regular Southern Railway train. They were commanded by Captain W. H. Beckenstein and Lieutenants W. J. Bacon and W. P. O'Brien. Arriving at the camp, Captain Beckenstein paid his respects to Major Clarence H. Greene, who assigned the troops an area in the western corner of the camp. Before nightfall, the entire company was settled and acquainted with the few soldiers and sentries already in camp.

The first troops arriving from New England consisted of ten regiments of infantry, one regiment of cavalry, three regiments of field artillery, one regiment of heavy artillery, six companies of engineers, one battalion and two companies of signal corps, four field hospital corps and four ambulance companies. The estimated strength of the unit was more than 940 officers and 29,599 enlisted men (most from Massachusetts).

Table I: Home State of New England Troops Stationed at Camp Greene

Maine -- 97 Officers, 2,911 Enlisted Men

Vermont -- 64 Officers, 1,558 Enlisted Men

New Hampshire -- 70 Officers, 968 Enlisted Men

Rhode Island -- 38 Officers, 1,170 Enlisted Men

Connecticut -- 150 Officers, 4,118 Enlisted Men

Massachusetts -- 523 Officers, 17,856 Enlisted Men

The momentum continued as thousands of soldiers poured in daily.

The next day 7500 National Guard troops from several states were on their way to Charlotte. On September 10, 1917 a squadron of cavalry from Washington state; infantry from Oregon, Montana, Arkansas, Idaho; and four companies from Wyoming arrived tired and ready for a good night's sleep. Ironically, when these Idaho and Montana soldiers left their homes, it had been much warmer than Camp Greene was when they arrived. The skies were dreary and black and a breeze was blowing. The men found this hard to understand considering all they had heard about the "sunny South." They brought with them their mascot, a bear, which disturbed by the train ride, bit one of the men. He finally relaxed when another Montana troop brought a second bear to camp. The soldiers enjoyed the antics of the pair.

Additional soldiers arrived from Colorado, North and South Dakota, New Mexico and Washington, D.C. An artillery unit from Gettysburg and infantry from the Syracuse camp came seeking a warmer climate for the winter months. The numbers grew and, at times, the total reached close to 60,000 men.

Table II: Average Strength in 1918

January - 2,027 Officers - 36,727 Enlisted Men (36,723 "white," 4 "colored") - 38,754 in aggregate

February - 1,977 Officers - 39,063 Enlisted Men (36,061 white, 2 colored) - 41, 040 in aggregate

March - 1,489 Officers - 37,216 Enlisted Men (37,215 white, 1 colored) - 38,705 in aggregate

April - 873 Officers - 22,431 Enlisted Men (22,394 white, 37 colored) - 23,304 in aggregate

May - 652 Officers - 17,048 Enlisted Men (17,047 white, 1 colored) - 17,700 in aggregate

June - Officers 515 Enlisted Men - 11,413 (11,412 white, 1 colored) - 11,928 in aggregate 

July - 386 Officers - 7,588 Enlisted Men (7,501 white, 87 colored) - 7,974 in aggregate

August - 142 Officers - 8,515 Enlisted Men (2,640 white, 5,875 colored) - 8,657 in aggregate 

September - 336 Officers - 14,737 Enlisted Men (7,595 white, 7,142 colored) - 15,073 in aggregate

October - 1,004 Officers - 27,848 Enlisted Men (13,512 white, 14,436 colored) - 28,852 in aggregate

November - 484 Officers - 12,945 Enlisted Men - (4,933 white, 8,012 colored) - 13,429 in aggregate

December - 460 Officers - 10,981 Enlisted Men (6,382 white, 4,599 colored) - 11,441 in aggregate

Seventeen different men served as commander of Camp Greene between September 1917 and June 1919. Most of them barely had time to unpack. The original plan was to send General Clarence Edward with the New England division but he took command of the newly formed Rainbow Division and never came south. General Hunter Liggett, leader of the troops from the northwest, spent only one day before being called to France to assume command of the field artillery for General Pershing. General Joseph T. Dickman (later commander of the army of occupation) became involved in a delicate religious situation involving the wrath of the local Presbyterians. It almost lost him his command. People remembered General Dickman for his phrase, "War is terribly uncertain, you know." Another commander, General George H. Cameron lost a command - not in Charlotte but in France. General Pershing personally removed him from command for disobeying orders and capturing an objective too soon. (The incident embarrassed French troops supposedly unable to keep up with their American counterparts.) Only one commander died while assigned to Camp Greene--Colonel L. W. Y. Kennon died on September 9, 1918 during a trip to New York.

These divisions had many specialized areas covering a variety of talents. One such group was the Motor Mechanics (Motor Macs). Charlotteans had more direct contact with them than with any other specific group. Although not a new organization, they were one of the most unique. Modern methods of warfare required mechanical talent and necessitated formation of this regiment. The Motor Macs came from occupations such as radio mechanics, cabinetmakers, draftsmen and even sewing machine operators. No matter what task was required, someone in the Motor Macs could solve it. One commanding officer attributed the group with all the qualities considered admirable -- clean, virile and representative of all American soldiers.

The arrival and departure of the troops became a matter of routine. While the first two months had seen a continuous influx of men to Charlotte, the first week in November marked the departure of the first troops from Camp Greene. These were part of the Fourth Division of the 163rd infantry (formerly the Second Montana) which had been at Camp Greene under a Colonel McGuenner. With regimental colors flying and following their band, the men marched to the train. Other infantrymen and curious Charlotteans lined the roadside cheering the departing soldiers. Many of the men had made acquaintances in the city and had become actively involved in Charlotte's religious and social life. Quite a few had become members of local churches. A spokesman for the regiment, A. R. Dorris, gave a letter to a representative of the Observer expressing the regiment's "appreciation for the generous hospitality of the people of Charlotte. Every Montana man leaves here with a warm spot in his heart for the citizens of Charlotte and the promise that many would find their way to this fair city when it's over `over there.'" The feeling was more than mutual. A Charlottean stated that while sentiments for the camp were always warm, somehow, after the first troops left, "it just wasn't the same."

Many nationalities were represented at Camp Greene and the camp was described as an American "melting pot." There were regiments of the regular army containing many men who could barely speak English. About 500 men were instructed in English at the Young Men's Christian Association building. The men were eager to learn. It was not unusual to see some enthusiastic "foreigner" with his knees on the bench and his body on the table trying to get nearer the teacher. Old-fashioned spelling bees were used as a learning tool with attractive prizes for the winners.

Despite Secretary of War Newton D. Baker's statement to the contrary, no one believed that the army would station Negro troops in a Southern camp. However, Negro troops were sent to Camp Greene on a regular basis. The first to arrive (on November 25, 1917) were the First Separate Companies of Massachusetts and Connecticut. These troops were commanded by Negro officers, given segregated quarters and provided with separate recreation facilities.

The Northern soldiers were both curious and surprised by their new environment. The weather, which most Charlotteans consider the area's greatest asset, proved horrid for most of the existence of Camp Greene. Heavy rain in the warmer seasons and snow, sleet and extreme cold in the winter months of 1918 made many wonder why Charlotte had been chosen for its mild climate. The Northern troops were particularly fascinated by the hundreds of Negro laborers singing songs as they worked. The soldiers were told by civilians that "the ones who sing the loudest were the hardest workers." Replied one sergeant, "The few Negroes we have out in Wyoming don't go in for the open air singing schools much." Another surprise was the progress of the Southern cotton mills. The camp was surrounded by cotton mills -- the Elizabeth on one side and the Chadwick Hoskins plant on the other. Many of the soldiers had worked in textile mills in New England before the war and the mill owners were happy to give tours. Holding open houses, the owners encouraged the soldiers to inspect the mills and discover how these mills had captured more than half the cotton industry. The owners, proud of the South's "superiority" in management, were sure that the "Yankees would wonder how the Johnnies were getting ahead of them so." Overall, "the boys were happy about being sent to Charlotte and had heard so many pleasant things about the city that they were looking forward to an enjoyable stay."

During their time at Camp Greene, the soldiers were subject to army rules of wartime censorship. Newspapermen were banned from entering the camp except under special conditions to avoid "giving comfort to the enemy by the publication of any military information." During 1917, all military materials sent out for publication passed through the hands of the camp censor. In February 1918, the censorship rules were modified and the ban prohibiting newspapermen from entering the camp was lifted. The new order left the commander with full power to deal with any violations that might be harmful to government interests. There was no objection to writing letters or furnishing news items to newspapers and magazines (or even to the publication of personal or private correspondence) as long as such activities did not interfere with the performance of military duty. Material written by persons in the army intended for publication was censored by an officer detached for that very purpose. Press dispatches were filed regularly by paid nonmilitary newspaper correspondents. Though not censored by the military, the camp commander instructed them to adhere rigidly to the request for information of value to the enemy as defined by the Committee on Public Information. If this request was violated, the offending correspondents were removed from the camp.

C. W. Tillett, writing in the Observer, reminded Charlotteans of their earlier fears and apprehensions toward the camp. The soldiers were "proving themselves gentlemen." He continued:

In my long career I have had a good many experiences of various kinds and I have been in a good many places and have seen a good many sights. I have been from Berlin, Germany on one side, to Los Angeles, California on the other with many intermediate stops; but I am here to tell you that I have never in all my life been so impressed with anything as I have been with this camp in the suburbs of your city. Indeed, I am thoroughly fascinated and it is rather difficult for me to stay away from the camp.

The democracy of the soldier life captivates me. I love to be about the camp about the time the boys are getting their dinner; to look at them take their somewhat crude utensils and each receive his portion of food, and then after the meal is over, wash his own dishes. It makes no difference who he is or where he came from, he obeys the regulations with uncomplaining spirit. What could be finer than that?

The camp was full of college-educated, refined and professional young men. Tillett wrote about Dr. R. L. Eltinge who gave up medical practice in Kingston, New York to serve his country. Eltinge and his wife resided at the home of R. G. Brice. The doctor sat on hard stools and ate rations from a bare table in the hospital of the third regiment. Despite these conditions, he was enthused with his work. His wife was typical of the many women who shared, uncomplainingly, the lot of a soldier's wife -- giving up their home as a patriotic duty.

The camp commanders made sure that strict discipline and the careful observance of military courtesies were maintained. In December 1917, General Dickman created a "bureau of military courtesy." The officers assigned to the bureau enforced prescribed military courtesies by officers and men while in Charlotte and at the camp. The dress of the men and officers was under close scrutiny. General Pershing issued directives stressing the necessity of saluting properly at all times and appearing neatly dressed. There had been some thought to suspend the rules that applied to the relations between enlisted men and officers when the men were away from the camp. General Dickman strongly disapproved. While desiring to be democratic about the situation, he felt that tampering with the regulations would result in lowering morale and efficiency among the troops. In the general's opinion, no good could result from permitting the men to forget their military rank while away from the camp or allowing the men such liberties in the name of fairness.

Despite the fact that the commanding officer at Camp Greene demanded strict discipline, some degree of lawbreaking is to be expected with 60,000 men in one place for an extended amount of time. Provost guards, wearing white arm bands, were ordered to patrol the streets of Charlotte. This patrol continued throughout the training of the men at Camp Greene. They were instructed to clear the streets of soldiers who did not have a special permit at 11:00 p.m. each night. Men were charged with a variety of "crimes" ranging from failing to salute an officer to murder. Punishment ranged from forfeiting five dollars pay to dishonorable discharge. The number of "crimes" relative to the number of men who were stationed at Camp Greene during this time was low. Approximately 2200 charge sheets for minor offenses and about 500 records of court martials are on file. Arrests were made for gambling, drinking, desertion, overspeeding with an ambulance, being Away Without Leave (AWOL), entering a restricted zone, appearing in an unclean uniform, drinking in uniform, cursing a superior, failing to take treatment for venereal disease, taking animals from the stables without orders, failing to appear for reveille, appearing on the streets of Charlotte without a clean uniform, forging pass cards, insulting remarks "unfit to print," allowing prisoners to sit, talk and chew tobacco, gambling in the morgue, entering the house of a Negro, associating with a Negress, fighting, registering in a hotel in Charlotte with a lady, taking light bulbs from bath houses, urinating in the streets of the camp and failing to get a haircut.

TRAINING

The purpose of the army training camp was to prepare men for overseas combat -- a process which consumed most of the time at Camp Greene. Days were full as seen in a typical schedule:

5:45 A.M. - 1st Call, Reveille

5:55 A.M. - March

6:00 A.M. - Assembly

6:20 A.M. - Mess Call, Breakfast

6:45 A.M. - Sick Call

7:25 A.M. - Drill Call

7:30 A.M. - Assembly

7:30 A.M. - Fatigue Call

11:30 A.M. - Recall

12:00 Noon - Mess Call, Dinner

12:55 P.M. - Drill Call

1:00 P.M. - Assembly

1:00 P.M. - Fatigue Call

4:20 P.M. - 1st Call, Guard Mounting

4:30 P.M. - Assembly

4:30 P.M. - Recall from Fatigue

5 00 P.M. - Mess Call, Supper

5:30 P.M. - 1st Call Retreat

5:40 P.M. - Assembly

RETREAT ON SIGNAL

10:45 P.M.  - Call to Quarters

11:00 P.M.  - Taps

SPECIAL CALLS FOR SATURDAYS

7:50 A.M. - First Call for Inspection and tests

8:00 A.M. Assembly SPECIAL CALLS FOR SUNDAYS AND HOLIDAYS

6:45 A.M. - 1st Call, Reveille

6:55 A.M. - March

7:00 A.M. - Assembly

7:20 A.M. - Mess Call Breakfast

7:45 A.M. - Sick Call

Note: No drill or fatigue calls on Sundays or Holidays

The weather proved to be a major obstacle to training the men. The training areas were usually covered with mud. Clay covered each man's feet and legs to his knees. Despite the problems, training proceeded as routinely as possible. Replicas of European battlefields were prepared. Trenches were dug under the direction of French officials who had lived for months in similar trenches in their native land. Bringing plans with them, the French supervised the building of these intricate structures with great care. Excellent drainage and roofs several feet thick prevented the continuous rainfall from making the trenches any damper than on the surface. The center of the camp was crisscrossed by approximately five miles of these trenches. The average depth was eight feet -- some as deep as fifteen feet and some only deep enough to protect the heads of the soldiers. The frequent turns and zig-zag patterns offered the maximum protection from shelling. There were small dugouts under a few feet of solid earth providing crude sleeping quarters. They were spread apart so that the same shell could destroy only one dugout. Along the "front line" trenches, thousands of sandbags were used to line the interior and prevent caving-in of the sides. At points along the second and third line trenches, "basketwork" (in which small limbs of trees were utilized) prevented the possibility of the wall caving-in. Two deep dugouts behind the first lines had floor surfaces about ten feet by thirty feet and a height of about ten feet. Thirty feet thick ceilings were protected from caving-in by heavy timber walls. These dugouts, while not indestructible, would withstand tremendous shelling. Access was provided by two tunnels. The dugouts were also connected by an underground passage, affording maximum opportunity for necessary escape. French specialists in bayonet work used bayonet assault courses to instruct the men in methods of attack and defense. The assault course consisted of a network of short trenches, dummy enemies and various obstacles simulating an attack in enemy territory. The dummy figures had markings to train the men to automatically thrust at the vulnerable spots.

Rifle and artillery practice were essential elements of the training. The rifle range was located about twelve miles from camp on the banks of the Catawba River. The men were required to hike to arid from the range regardless of the weather. The artillery range was located on 15,000 acres near Kings Mountain some 35 miles from the camp. Men and equipment were transported to the artillery range in motor trucks and transport wagons.

The training area for the machine gun battalions located near the Berryhill house was probably the muddiest place in Camp Greene. Every square yard not covered by tents was covered by two inches of red mud of "remarkable adhesive property." Hundreds of men had to walk in mud mixed with melted snow throughout most of the early stages of training. Later, improvements were made in the area. Floors and walls for the tents of the six machine gun battalions were completed along with a kitchen, bath houses, latrines and other necessary buildings. With these improvements, even the "Muddiest reservation at Camp Greene" became livable.

In addition to the French, various other foreign officers aided the training at Camp Greene. These men provided instructions in foreign languages and other phases of war training. They continuously inspected the French and German sectors of the trench area to make sure they were exact duplicates of the trenches constructed by the respective armies. The foreign officers were pleased with the acceptance with which they were received and with the progress of the schools under their supervision.

Efforts were made by the army to keep a positive spirit at Camp Greene. An officer was appointed to supervise activities to improve morale and to report on the status of morale at the camp. Weekly reports were sent to the Chief of Morale in Washington, D.C. Officers as well as the enlisted men were asked to provide suggestions for maintaining the positive spirit. In one incident, a morale crisis was met by a conference with civil authorities to obtain permission to provide liquor for the men in the labor battalions. The problem had been expressed by the men: "Boss, how we gonna git any when they want from ten to fifteen dollars a quart for cawn likah?" Most concerns in this category were worked out satisfactorily with the townspeople. Messages from officers in command during the holidays, "pep talks" concerning the role of the soldiers during war, reminders of the expected courtesies and the many benefits of being in the service were used as constant morale boosters.

There were some reports of low morale as expressed in a letter from a concerned Charlottean to the Commander of Camp Greene in June of 1918:

Commander, Camp Greene

City

Dear Sir:

Last evening I had a conversation with a young soldier over which I have been thinking quite seriously. I have always abhorred a tell-tale and have no use for trouble makers but at the present time there are so many things happening through various channels that we own it to ourselves and our government to report some things that seem to us only a little wild talk and let the officials do the finding out as to whether it is wild or intended. Americans are so used to hearing wild talk that as a rule we pay little attention to it. This soldier's name I do not recall but he sprained his ankle on Kelly Field he told me and could not dance. We were talking about the boys and he blurted out "Stay out of it, stay out of the army." It took me by surprise and I told him that I had tried to go but fell down in my examinations. Again he said, Stay out of the army -- don't go. I told him I would be only too happy to go today if possible and closed the conversation.

Now I do not know whether this was just wild talk or a man who had gotten a little tired of camp life to where he was a little unstrung or what -- but instead of falling on unreceptive ears it might fall on receptive ears and cause trouble -- besides it's not full loyalty because a man must learn to sacrifice without complaint unless the complaint is justified and made to better conditions and help. If you know this boy, I klein a good heart to heart talk which I should have given him myself will show him wherein he is wrong and that it is his duty to himself, his family, his friends and his government to be careful of loose and wild talk which not only may get him into trouble but causes dissatisfaction and certainly aids our enemies.

I have met and meet each day a large number of officers and privates and it has been and is a great pleasure to be with them and assist them in every way possible -- they are as a rule very gentlemanly men -- occasionally an exception is found in both ranks but only occasionally -- Trusting that this is in good order and will lead to only a heart to heart talk and not punishment,

I try to remain

Sincerely --

H. F. COOMBS Arch. Engineer

Another concern was expressed by W. A. Ayres of the House of Representatives who contacted the Adjutant General of the War Department in Washington, D.C. A constituent of his had a brother in the Signal Corps at Camp Greene. This brother complained that a number of skilled mechanics were "lying around doing nothing at this camp when there is such a shortage of mechanics in civil life. I think that the majority of the 7,000 motor mechanics have been in the service six months and have not lifted a finger in doing any mechanical work for which they enlisted .... The only thing they had on the Boy Scouts was that the government was paying them for doing nothing. I did not enlist to be a slacker but because I had the idea that my services would be of more value in the army than in civilian life." Despite these complaints, the records indicate the negative features associated with Camp Greene were minor in comparison to the positive aspects. Thousands of men were greeted with southern hospitality during the brief existence of the camp. Few who had temporarily called Charlotte home left unaffected by the pleasant social environment. Not only the soldiers but Charlotteans also benefited from the shared experience of wartime. After all, even the "bugler's human like the rest."

Source: 

Mitchell, Miriam Grace and Perzel, Edward Spaulding. The Echo of the Bugle Call: Charlotte's Role in World War I. Charlotte, NC: Dowd House Preservation Committee, 1979.